Faktor Zeit in der interkulturellen Werbung-1

Faktor Zeit in der interkulturellen Werbung *

Zeit in den Medien* lässt sich in unterschiedliche Bereiche untergliedern, die sich zum Teil überschneiden und doch klar voneinander abgrenzbar sind. Man kann folgende Unterscheidung in sechs Zeitgestalten vornehmen:

· Aktualität

· Periodizität

· Serialität

· Sequenzierung und Programming

· Dauer

· Geschwindigkeit.

Aktualität

1. Allgemeines

In einer Zeit, in der jeder immer und überall präsent und informiert sein möchte, spielt Aktualität eine wesentliche Rolle. In einem Bereich kommt sie ganz besonders zum Tragen. Nachrichten sind in der Regel nur dann wichtig und lassen uns aufhorchen, wenn sie just in time gesendet werden. Dies führt dann regelmäßig zu einem tagtäglich in den Redaktionen geführten Wettstreit um die erste und heißeste Nachricht. Die zeitliche Qualität schlechthin, durch die sich besonders die Nachrichtenmedien, wie beispielsweise in Deutschland die Sender NTV und N24 auszeichnen, ist permanente Aktualität. Sie bezeichnet aber mehr als nur die chronometrische Nähe zwischen dem realzeitlichen, wirklichen Ereignis und der Berichterstattung. Denn dies ist weder ein indirekter, nicht ein zwangsläufiger Effekt der sich permanent beschleunigenden Datenübertragungs-geschwindigkeit. Dieser technische ’Speed’ ist nur eine der notwendigen Voraussetzungen für die echte Aktualität. Sehr viel wichtiger erscheint eine besondere – sozial unterschiedlich ausgeprägte – Relevanz von Aktualität sowie die Möglichkeit des Reagierens auf diese. So können lange zurückliegende oder längst bekannte Ereignisse plötzlich wieder Aktualität gewinnen und entgegengesetzt hierzu müssen Berichte in Realzeitkeineswegs Aktualität besitzen. Denken wir nur im ersteren Fall an Berichterstattungen über den Zweiten Weltkrieg, dessen Bilder immer wieder gegenwärtig sind oder aber als Gegenbeispiel an einen Autounfall in Sri Lanka, der, wenn auch noch so tragisch und aktuell, hier niemanden interessiert. Somit ist Bedeutsamkeit für die Gegenwart auch nicht mit Okkasionalität zu verwechseln, denn nicht alles, was neu ist, ist auch einmalig oder kommt unerwartet.

Darüber hinaus ist Aktualität aber auch maßgeblich von kulturellen Faktoren beeinflusst. Hierbei spielt die Einstellung einer Kultur zu Geschichte, Zukunft und Gegenwart eine große Rolle für die Brisanz und Bedeutsamkeit einer Nachricht.

In jedem Fall ist die Herstellung von Aktualität eng an die periodische Erscheinungsweise des jeweiligen Mediums gebunden: Ein auf Dauer (Kontinuität des Erscheinens) gestelltes System ist besser in der Lage, Neues auf seinen Aktualitätswert zu prüfen und entsprechend zu kommunizieren, als dies einmalige Medien (etwa Plakate) leisten können. Diese ’Brisanz’-Möglichkeit führt dann auch zum großen Erfolg von Nachrichtensendern weltweit, deren Periodizität sich oft schon im Viertelstunden-Takt bewegt.

2. Weise der Präsentation des Aktuellen

Frage ist nun: Wie wird das Aktuelle präsentiert, bearbeitet, und in welchen Rahmen wird es gegossen? Wichtig ist, dass das Aktuelle oder Neue zuerst einmal fremd ist und damit eines ganz besondern Diskurses bedarf, um in der kurz bemessenen Zeit einer Nachricht verstanden zu werden. Das Fremde und das Neue kann Verunsicherung und Unsicherheit produzieren. Deshalb versuchen Sender, es medial in Rituale der Beständigkeit und in der Zeitgestalt der Serialität einzubinden. Sichtbar wird dies beispielsweise an der personellen Kontinuität von Nachrichtensprechern. Ebenso aber auch an den täglich sich wiederholenden, fast schon liturgisch anmutenden Inszenierungen der Anfangs- und Schlussszenen von Nachrichtensendungen.** Dem Zuschauer, der auf das Neue wartet, soll damit vermittelt werden: Alles um dich herum ändert sich. Was bleibt, sind die Rahmenhandlungen und der oder die Hauptakteur(in) in der Rolle des/der Moderator(in), der/die den Charakter der Zeitlosigkeit erfüllt.

3. Fernsehwerbung

Inwieweit übernimmt die Fernsehwerbung nun die Strategien der Aktualität? Hier kann man folgendes unterscheiden:

· Aktualität in der Berichterstattung

Werbung wird oft nachgesagt, sie reagiere zu langsam auf aktuelle Geschehnisse. Dies liegt zum Teil an den hohen Produktionskosten für Werbespots, die nur in Ausnahmesituationen zulassen, dass ein Unternehmen, wie die Opel AG auf den Gewinn des Grand-Slam-Turniers ihres wichtigsten Testimonials, Steffie Graf, einen Glückwunsch-Spot ausstrahlt. Die Aktualität des freudigen Ereignisses soll dem Zuschauer suggerieren, dass auch Opel mit seinen Produktinnovationen reif für Wettbewerbe und große Herausforderungen ist und vor allem up to date ist.

· Aktualität im Produkt

Die Werbung kann in diesem Bereich verschiedene Wege gehen, die jedoch abhängig vom Produkt sind: Ohne Zweifel gehören Attribute wie Frische zum erfolgreichen Verkauf von Lebensmitteln und Begriffe wie Innovation und Neuigkeit dienen idealerweise der Autowerbung. Ebenso kann aber auch der entgegengesetzte Weg des historisch Guten gegangen werden. Beide Strategien, also die der Aktualität und die der Bewahrung als Zeitformen, werden als höchstwirksame Strategien je nach Produkt und Branche zur emotionalen Aufladung des Werbeproduktes genutzt.

· Aktualität im Werbeumfeld

”Diese Sendung wurd Ihnen präsentiert von…” soll auf diesen Aspekt hinweisen. Uns Zuschauern wird damit suggeriert, dass die gerade gesehene Sendung nur durch die ’Unterstützung’ des Produktes X oder der Dienstleistung Y möglich war. Die Sendung ist noch aktuell und präsent, die Werbung nützt dies geschickt und schleicht sich förmlich in die Aktualität der Aufmerkamkeit hinein. Ähnlich verhält es sich auch mit dem Sponsorship von Weltmeisterschaften oder beispielsweise der Tour de France. Die Werbung ist mit der Aktualität des Ereignisses verbunden und wird durch dieses auf eine andere, oftmals spannendere ’Bühne’ entführt und erhält dadurch ihre Aufmerksamkeit.

· Aktualität und das Fremde

Wie oben erwähnt, kann Aktualität durch ihre Aktualität auch dazu führen, dass sie abgelehnt wird oder zu Verunsicherung bei den Konsumenten führt. Strategien, um dies zu vermeiden, sind denen der Nachrichten oft sehr ähnlich. Die Inszenierung der Ford-Werbung beispielsweise mit dem Abschlusssatz ”Ford, wir tun was…” oder der fast schon gesetzmäßige Packshot am Ende eines Werbespots versuchen, neben vielen anderen Strategien wie dem Presenter das Aktuelle in Gewohntes, dem Zuschauer Bekanntes zu verpacken.

Twitter: Ten Psychological Insights

Twitter: Ten Psychological Insights*

Psychological research on Twitter reveals who tweets, how much, what they talk about and why.

There are now 190 million Twitter users around the world producing 65 million tweets each day. 19% of US internet users now say they use Twitter or a similar service to share updates about themselves—double the figure from the previous year (Pew, 2009).

So who tweets? Why? What are they talking about? And what is so engaging about all those little textual transmissions?

Since Twitter didn’t exist until 2006, psychologists have had little chance to explore it, but some of the early research suggests a social network unlike those that came before. Here are 10 of my favourite insights from this research, some less obvious than others.

Before we get onto the research, though, here’s a quick intro for Twitter newbies:

What is Twitter?

Twitter is a cross between a social network and a blog. The blog part is that users read and write 140 character ‘tweets’ which are largely public. The social network part is that people ‘follow’ each other then become part of each other’s Twitter conversations, they can also ‘retweet’ or retransmit other people’s messages to their own followers.

1. Twitter is like a game of broken telephone

Because messages are short and can be broadcast quickly and easily, Twitter can feel to its users like a fast-paced conversation (Boyd et al., 2010). The difference from a normal conversation is that people are taking part in a whole range of different interactions. It’s like being at a party and talking to 10 different groups at the same time.

All sorts of processes that you would recognise from conversations are also going on in Twitter: much information is simply repeated (retweeted) but messages are corrupted over time, like a game of broken telephone (UK: Chinese whispers), as people re-evaluate, re-interpret or misinterpret the meaning of the original tweet.

But Twitter doesn’t always feel like a conversation as people use it in different ways. In the same way that talking isn’t always conversation, sometimes it’s a command, an expression of surprise or an aid to thought. In other words, Twitter isn’t just social, it has a big informational component, which we’ll come on to.

2. People join Twitter to follow their friends

Network analysis of Twitter users in the early days by Java et al. (2007) suggested that people join because their friends are already using it. The networks resembled those seen in the analysis of cell phone networks.

The huge number of users is just what we’ve come to expect from the internet: people can easily conform to the technological norm because services are often free, and it’s well-known that free is a special price we can’t resist. The number of users is less interesting than what people are using it for and why.

3. Most tweets are babble

While not academic research, some insight into what people are talking about on Twitter comes from an analytics company who categorised 2,000 tweets collected over one week. They fell into six categories (similar percentages were found by Java et al., 2007):

1. Pointless babble: 41%

2. Conversational: 38%

3. Pass-along value: 9%

4. Self-promotion: 6%

5. Spam: 4%

6. News: 4%

What they call ‘pointless babble’ might better be called social pleasantries, social grooming or at least just babble. Like when someone says “How are you?” and you say “Fine.” It may be low-level, but it’s not pointless.

4. The average age is 31

The average (median) age for a Twitter user is 31, older than the median MySpace user who is 26, but younger than Facebook which is now 33. LinkedIn has the oldest users with the median being 39. Predictably the strongest growth in Twitter use is amongst those aged 18-24 (Pew, 2009).

5. Men are Twitter leaders

Some suggestions of sex differences come from Heil & Piskorski (2009). They found that there were slightly more women than men on Twitter (55% women), but that, on average, men had 15% more followers than women, with men twice as likely to follow another man as they were a woman, and women 25% more likely to follow men. Both men and women, however, were found to tweet at the same rate.

This finding is unusual given that it’s normally women who are the focus of attention on social networks, from both other men and other women.

I’m always cautious about reporting sex differences and keen to point out that psychologically men and women are very similar. But perhaps there’s something about Twitter that, on average, fits slightly more with men.

6. 20 per cent are ‘informers’, 80 per cent are ‘meformers

After examining 350 messages collected from Twitter, Naaman (2010) found two different types of user:

Informers: 20% shared information and replied to other users

Meformers: 80% mostly sent out information about themselves.

Informers tended to have larger social networks, perhaps because they passed on more interesting things and weren’t talking about themselves all the time.

This split hints at the different ways that people use Twitter. It also suggests that the conversational aspects of Twitter may have been overstated. If 80% of users don’t reply to others then it’s not that social.

7. Trends are one-time and short-lived

Tweets on a particular topic (Twitter trends) rarely last longer than a week and usually no more than a few days (Kwak et al., 2010). Most topics only trend once, then die, usually never to return. 85% of these trends are news-related.

Perhaps the reason for this is that trends, which are attached to the use of particular words or phrases, are often very specific.

8. Average tweet frequency is 1

The average (median) lifetime number of tweets for a Twitter user is 1 (Heil & Piskorski, 2009). This means most people who sign up are just following others or don’t use it at all. Once again, the power of ‘free’ and very low barriers to entry.

At the other end of the scale 10% of Twitter users contribute 90% of the tweets. This finding is unusual compared to other social networks where the use isn’t nearly so top-heavy. Heil & Piskorski note that in this respect Twitter is more like Wikipedia, which has a similar rate of top-heavy usage. Many but not all of the most-followed Twitter users are, unsurprisingly, celebrities.

This top-heavy usage reflects the fact that being interesting is a talent that not everyone can acquire (without relying on the halo effect of being famous that is). Occasionally, though, some manage the trick of being famous and quite interesting, e.g. Stephen Fry.

9. Existential angst can motivate users

Twitter is often uncharitably said to be perfect for our narcissistic age. It enables people to gather followers, talk about themselves, all without having to listen to anyone else.

A small study conducted by Qiu et al. (2010) has suggested that amongst the extroverted it really is existential angst that motivates tweeting. The same wasn’t found, though, for those who weren’t so extroverted.

I’d put forward a more positive argument: Twitter is simply a fun toy that’s easy to use. It’s much easier than blogging, you can mess around, you don’t have to say much and it makes the web a little more homely. At the same time it’s not as obsessed as Facebook and other social networks with gathering and displaying huge amounts of information about you. It’s less social than Facebook, which people seem to like.

10. Twitter is less social and more informational

Support for the idea that Twitter is more informational and less social than other social networks comes from Johnson and Yang (2009) who found that people treat other Twitter users primarily as interesting information sources.

In this study people also gained the most gratification from information they had found through Twitter. The social aspect of it, however, participants didn’t find particularly gratifying, despite a positive expectation.

Network analysis also tends to play down the social aspects of the site. Twitter shows relatively low levels of reciprocity compared with other social networking sites. Only 22% of Twitter users have reciprocal links between them, compared with 68% on Flickr and 84% on Yahoo! 360.

Kwak et al. (2010) found that the average path length is 4.12 with 93.5% of people within 5 or fewer hops of everyone else. This is mostly because Twitter is dominated by a small number of celebrities, making many more big nodes than would be expected in a social network.

Future Twitter

Of course these are only the first insights emerging from the research and people are evolving new and interesting ways of using and analysing Twitter all the time. Here are a few that I came across on my virtual travels.

Hughes and Palen (2009) looked at the use of Twitter in mass and emergency events. Tweets during two hurricanes and two political conventions suggested that people are increasingly using Twitter to share information with each other.

Here’s another way in which the informational nature of Twitter has come to the fore. Twitter is perfect for a crisis when information needs to be moved quickly and efficiently around social networks. Indeed researchers can detect emergency events like earthquakes by monitoring Twitter (Sakaki et al., 2010).

The Business of Sharing

The business of sharing*

What do you do when you are green, broke and connected? You share

Why buy when you can rent? This simple question is the foundation stone of a growing number of businesses. Why buy a car (and pay for parking) when you can rent one whenever you need to load up at IKEA? Why buy a bike (and risk having it stolen) when you can pick one up at a bike rack near your home and drop it off at another rack near your office? Why buy a DVD when you can watch it and return it in a convenient envelope?

Renting is not a new business, of course. Hotel chains and car-hire firms have been around for ages, and the world’s oldest profession, one might argue, involves renting. But for most of the past 50 years renters have been conceding ground to owners. Laundromats have been closing down as people buy their own washing machines. Home ownership was, until the financial crisis, rising nearly everywhere. Rental markets grew ossified: hotels and car-hire firms barely changed their business models for decades. All this is now changing dramatically, however, thanks to technology, austerity and greenery.

The internet makes it easy to compare prices, which makes rental cars and hotel rooms cheaper. It also allows new ways of renting and sharing to thrive. For example, car-sharing is booming even as car sales languish. Zipcar, an American firm, has 400,000 members who pay an annual fee and can then rent cars by the hour. They log on to find out where the nearest Zipcar is parked, and return it to one of many scattered parking bays rather than a central location. Netflix, a film-rental firm, made $116m last year by making it easy to hire movies by mail. Governments are joining in: London is one of several cities that rent bikes to citizens who take the trouble to fill out a few forms.

Trendy folk are applauding. “Sharing is clean, crisp, urbane, postmodern,” says Mark Levine of the New York Times. “Owning is dull, selfish, timid, backward.” (“Crisp”? Never mind.) The sharing craze has spawned two new books: “What’s Mine is Yours: The Rise of Collaborative Consumption”, by Rachel Botsman and Roo Rogers, and “The Mesh: Why the Future of Business is Sharing”, by Lisa Gansky. The first book is much the better of the two. But the second, written by an internet entrepreneur, contains some valuable practical advice.

People are renting things they never used to rent, such as clothes and toys. Bag Borrow or Steal, for example, applies the Netflix principle to posh handbags. The firm boasts that it allows women to avoid “the emotional and financial sacrifices” of “the endless search for the ‘right’ accessory.” Rent-That-Toy does the same for trikes for tikes. TechShop, in Menlo Park, California, rents tinkering space and equipment to amateur inventors.

Other pioneers of “collaborative consumption” have dispensed with inventories and act purely as brokers. Some help people sell their spare capacity in everything from parking spaces to energy. CouchSurfing connects people who have a spare sofa with travellers who wish to sleep on it, on the tacit understanding that the travellers will do the same for someone else in the network some day. There are 2.3m registered couchsurfers in 79,000 cities worldwide. Other groups have created barter economies. thredUP specialises in exchanging children’s clothes, but also has exchanges for everything from make-up to video games. Freecycle helps people give things away so that they do not end up in landfills: its website has 7.6m members.

The moguls who run Zipcar may have different motives from the greens who run Freecycle, but they share the same faith: that access often matters more than ownership, and that technology will make sharing more and more efficient. The internet has always been good at connecting buyers and sellers; GPS devices and social networks are enhancing its power. GPS devices can connect you to people around the corner who want to share rides. Social networks are helping to lower one of the biggest barriers to “collaborative consumption”—trust. Couchsurfers, for example, can see at a keystroke what others in the network think of the stranger who wants to borrow their couch. If he is dirty or creepy, they need not let him in.

People are growing impatient with “idle capacity” (ie, waste). The average American spends 18% of his income on running a car that is usually stationary. Half of American homes own an electric drill, but most people use it once and then forget it. If you are green or broke, as many people are these days, this seems wasteful. Besides, “consumer philandering” sounds fun. “Today’s a BMW day,” purrs Zipcar, “Or is it a Volvo day?”

New ways to show off

Attitudes to conspicuous consumption are changing. Thorstein Veblen, who coined the term, argued that people like to display their status by owning lots of stuff. But many of today’s conspicuous consumers—particularly the young—achieve the same effect by virtual means. They boast about what they are doing (on Twitter), what they are reading (Shelfari), what they are interested in (Digg) and whom they know (Facebook). Collaborative consumption is an ideal signalling device for an economy based on electronic brands and ever-changing fashions.

There are obvious limitations to this new model. Few people, besides tramps and journalists, will want to wear recycled underpants. Returning Zipcars on time can be a hassle. But the sharing stampede is nevertheless gathering pace. Zipcar has imitators in more than a thousand cities. Every week sees the birth of a business describing itself as the Netflix of this or that. Collective consumption is also disrupting established business models based on built-in obsolescence. The internet may be synonymous with novelty, but by encouraging people to reuse the same objects rather than buy new ones, it may revive the old virtue of building products that last.

Intercultural Communication

Intercultural communication*

1. Introduction

Intercultural communication is a discipline that seeks to comprehend how individuals from different cultures conduct themselves, communicate and perceive the world around them. Generally, intercultural communication can be termed as the social interaction between different groups of people in relation to the shared knowledge, languages and symbols of behaviors (Kanentiio, 2000). In order to understand this concept of intercultural communication, this study seeks to examine the history of the Iroquois ethnic group in North America. Importantly, this community comprises five tribes namely; Cayuga, Mohawk, Oneida, and Seneca hence the name Five Nations (Kanentiio, 2000).

Among these tribes, kinship is usually traced through matrilineal perspective. In this case, senior women had the duty of running family affairs (Kanentiio, 2000). According to the history of this community, women were responsible for family matters and agricultural products while men were held accountable for political and diplomatic matters within the village. It should be noted that, this community comprised of 5,500 people by the time they encountered the first white explorers on the onset of 17th century. The 1990 census report indicated that, there were 49,038 Iroquois live in America that made this community to be the eighth in the country’s most populated Indigenous American groups (Kanentiio, 2000).

Interestingly, Iroquois constructed their homes in such a way that extended families comprising of 50 people stayed together in bark-covered, 50-150 feet long wooden-framed huts. It has been revealed that, the origin of the name Iroquois is not well known but some people think that it came from the Algonquian word ‘Irinakhoiw’ (Kanentiio, 2000). On the other hand, no evidence has been provided to indicate where the Iroquois group came from. In this relation, it is believed that since Algonquian people are different in their culture despite the fact that they live on both corridors of Iroquois community; hence the Iroquois must have moved to this area at some time (Kanentiio, 2000).

It should be noted that, one of the significant event of this community’s history is that; in spite of their commonness in culture and language, these five tribes have lived in constant war fare amongst them. In this aspect, the interrelationships of these tribes worsened which made them vulnerable to constant attacks by the Algonquian tribes (Kanentiio, 2000). On this basis, this period of constant attacks from neighboring community came to an end during the reign of chief Todadaho. According to the Iroquois legends, this chief was a cannibal as he ate from bowls made of his victims’ skulls, his hair contained a knot of snakes, and he could murder with his Medusa-like look (Kanentiio, 2000).

History has it that, the cannibalism practices of chief Todadaho were put to an end by Deganawidah and his disciple Hiawatha when they confronted him with a message of peace. According to history, Todadaho when he was preparing to cook his latest victim saw the face of Deganawidah reproduced in the cooking pot and thought it was his. The beauty of the face could not be compared with his barbaric and dreadful practice of cannibalism and without more ado he forsook the practice (Kanentiio, 2000). After Todadaho and other Iroquois chiefs were convinced by Deganawidah and his disciple about his good message, they together established an Iroquois Confederacy on the banks of Lake Onondaga in 1400. In this case, this union was a confederation of nations that helped people share a positive system of values and live in harmony. As a result of this confederation, the Iroquois changed their lifestyles to the extent that when the first white explorers arrived thin community, Iroquois community was a settled agricultural society and more developed as compared with the Algonquians who practiced nomadic culture (Kanentiio, 2000).

2. Iroquois Historical Relationships with Algonquians and Hurons

History has it that, the Iroquois community and the Algonquians lived in constant conflicts where Iroquois because of their internal constant conflicts were always overpowered. According to the Iroquois legends, Chief Todadaho who practiced cannibalism practices helped Iroquois from the miseries of the Algonquians until a confederation was established in the year 1400 (Kanentiio, 2000). It is of importance to note that, since Iroquois were agriculturalist when they were met by the early white explorers; they used to exchange agricultural goods with Algonquians who were nomadic. On this basis, Algonquians exchanged their fur with Iroquois agricultural products. Additionally, it has been found that the language of the northern Iroquois was somehow related to Algonquians hence suggesting that there was an intrusion sometime in the past (Kanentiio, 2000).

Further, despite the fact that Huron community had some traces in Iroquoian linguistic family; they lived in great warfare where their relationship was termed as inherited hostility. On this basis, the Iroquois were growing mightily subjugating surrounding tribes which resulted to their crushing Huron confederacy in 1649. Moreover, Hurons traded with Iroquois where they provided fish and hunted animals in exchange of agricultural products like beans (Kanentiio, 2000).

Historical incidence of Iroquois discrimination

Significantly, Iroquois community only experienced discrimination from the colonizers where they were forced to pay taxes, offer food and forced labor in mineral industries and at the same time pearl harvesting. On this basis, the Iroquois fought the colonizers and became free considering themselves as a sovereign nation in America (Kanentiio, 2000). A point worth noting is that, Iroquois were divided on which side to support where some supported the colonizers while other rebelled. It is of importance to note that, Iroquois over-ruled other Indian communities and raided them as they are described as great lovers of fight (Kanentiio, 2000).

Common stereotypes about Iroquois community

The word stereotype is used to denote the generalizations made about a community where by people attribute a defined set of characteristics to this community. On this basis, the Iroquois community was believed to have a collective responsibility where the whole group was responsible in knowing and doing what was supposed to be done (Kanentiio, 2000). In support of this, it has been found that each person in this community acted independently but for the group. In this relation, each person was brought up with a sense of self-governing accountability and being autonomous. The idea of autonomous responsibility and doing it for the group was being socialized to children at their early age hence they grew knowing what was expected of them in the society (Kanentiio, 2000).

Additionally, the Seneca people were fanatical to external self-control and stressed individual self-governing. Moreover, these people were unresponsive of pain, hardships and loneliness. On this basis, they had a principle of no guilt where they always approved the accountability of their deeds by doing the correct thing as it was what was expected of them (Kanentiio, 2000). It is of important to note that, the Iroquois find expression for the feeling of anger, frustration and hatred through rituals. In this case, most of the rituals were from a religious setting that had a lot of attached pious meanings. A good example here is dreams which were considered as linking minds and souls. In this connection, dreams were taken very carefully in Iroquois community where whatever one dreamt about was taken care of in the effort of avoiding dangers and calamities (Kanentiio, 2000).

Important leaders and heroes of the Iroquois community

From the history of the Iroquois community, despite the fact that there was a strong leadership structure; there were no police or formal legal system (Kanentiio, 2000). The role of the leaders was to distribute material goods to the community members to avoid starving of some community members. One of the most well known Iroquois leaders was Logan among the Mingo people; he was born in Pennsylvania at around 1725 (Kanentiio, 2000). Importantly, he led the community is fighting the white settlers in 1774 after killing family. On the other hand, the Iroquois heroes were chief Todadaho who practiced cannibalism against his victims and delivered his people from constant attracts of Algonquians. In addition, Deganawidah and his disciple Hiawatha confronted chief Todadaho and convinced him together with other chiefs in this community to establish an Iroquois confederacy in 1350-1600 (Kanentiio, 2000).

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